There
is no doubting the impact caused by the publication of David Clementi’s
Review of the Regulatory Framework for Legal Services back in December
2004. Since then, commentators have sought to examine the opportunities
for those outside the legal profession to enter into arrangements
where they hold a share of a firms equity alongside solicitors and
barristers in multi-disciplinary partnerships (MDPs). Attention
has focused almost exclusively on the benefits for such firms in
having professionals, like accountants working in conjunction with
more traditional partnership structures.
The Bar
Council has cautiously welcomed the government proposals for reform.
Former Chairman of the Bar, Guy Mansfield argued that: “it
should be as easy as possible for lawyers with different professional
qualifications to work in the same legal practice”. Nevertheless,
reaction from the profession as a whole has not been uniformly positive.
Last month in this publication, Ian West, a barrister with Fountain
Chambers, argued that the introduction of a multi-disciplinary approach
to legal services may be “clutching a viper to our bosom”.
Against
this backdrop, I feel it is an appropriate juncture at which to
consider an area, which has received scant attention. The role of
political lobbyists in the legal profession is of huge potential
benefit to both groups. The deregulation of the legal services market
has raised a number of questions and opportunities for solicitors
and barristers to expand upon the range of services they offer.
Nonetheless there are a number of obstacles that stand in the way
of closer integration.
The main
barrier between lawyers and lobbyists is the lack of mutual understanding
between the professions. Mark Adams is a board member of the Association
of Professional Political Consultants (APPC), and the Managing Director
of Foresight Communications. He is the most senior former civil
servant working in the public affairs industry, and is pessimistic
about the current level of knowledge within the legal sector about
the work of lobbyists. “It is a sad fact that on the whole
law firms don’t recognise the potential that the lobbying
industry has to offer.” This problem is not restricted to
lawyers and Mark feels that some blame should be apportioned to
lobbyists. “It is partly the fault of the public affairs industry
in failing to take advantage of the opportunities to link up with
firms.”
The problem
is partly a historical one. The UK public affairs industry is relatively
young. Many of the biggest players in today’s market only
started up in the wake of Labour’s 1997 election victory.
The common public perception is of an industry characterised by
brown envelopes and backhanders. Since the early nineties, a number
of scandals have dimmed the reputation of the industry in the public’s
mind, and the Committee on Standards in Public Life recently announced
an inquiry into the role and influence of the lobbying industry.
This malaise is not unique to the UK however, as recent media coverage
of the Abramhoff scandal in Washington has demonstrated. In addition
to this wider perception, there is a sense of an identity crisis
within the public affairs industry itself as to whether it should
exist independently of the public relations industry, or whether
it should form part of an additional service offered by larger industries
such as the financial services sector or law. Much of the problem
lies with the perception that there is no defined body of professional
knowledge in the same way as accountancy and law. The public affairs
industry has worked hard in recent years to shake off its somewhat
tarnished image. The APPC code of conduct now covers 80% of independent
lobbyists. Having struggled to define their sense of identity, lobbyists
are gradually becoming more professionalised. The Chartered Institute
of Public Relations received its Royal Charter in February 2005,
marking another step towards the formal recognition of lobbying
as a profession in its own right
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The
legal profession in Brussels and Washington shows no such reticence.
It has become almost de rigueur in Washington for law firms to provide
a service to clients, which combine advice at all, stages of the
legislative process. A brief glance at the top fifteen law firms
ranked by highest lobbying revenues illustrates how far the domination
of Capitol Hill extends. Washington has long led the way in this
field, but Europe is close behind, and rapidly emerging as a serious
rival with around 15’000 lobbyists working in Brussels alone.
Lawyers in the UK are slowly catching on to the idea of widening
the range of services they provide. DLA Upstream is the lobbying
and public affairs arm of top international law firm, DLA Piper
Rudnick Gray Cary. Founded in 2000, it has already become a major
player in the lobbying industry, boasting major clients like BAA
and Tesco. North of the border, McGrigors has been providing strategic
advice on the Scottish Parliament for its clients since 1999. Law
firms are increasingly seeing demand from their clients to provide
advice on legislation before it is passed. Whereas barristers have
traditionally felt able to give such advice to clients, there is
now a greater focus on creating a broader strategy for engaging
with government.
One
example of this engagement with government came in 2004, when the
Liverpool passenger transport authority Merseytravel made the decision
to hire law firm Bircham Dyson Bell to advise on its strategy in
relation to the Mersey Tunnels Bill. Bircham Dyson Bell won the
account despite competition from more traditional public affairs
firms. Neil Scales, Chief Executive of Merseytravel has said “It
is helpful for public authorities to have a public affairs team
with strong legal resources because everything we do has so many
legal implications, not least since the introduction of the Human
Rights Act”.
Politics
and law have a long-standing and well-known association. One only
has to glance at the green benches of the House of Commons to see
the number of barristers and solicitors who populate the legislature.
Up until now the flow from law to politics seems to have been a
one-way street. However, the direction taken by Brussels and Washington
coupled with the increasingly professional approach of the public
affairs industry, seems set to change the picture in the UK, as
both professions become increasingly becoming aware of the benefits
that accrue from working in tandem. Only time will tell if Clementi
has the effect of forging a fuller understanding between politics
and law and releasing the untapped potential that lies with such
co-operation.
The
author is a trainee barrister and former lobbyist.
Law firms with highest lobbying revenues 2004
Firm
2004 gross 2004 gross +/-
($m) (£m) (%)
1 Patton Boggs 65.8 34.6 +13
2 Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld 64.2 33.8 +8
3 Hogan & Hartson 51.6 27.2 +16
4 DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary 42.4 22.3 -3
5 Cassidy & Associates * 28.9 15.2 +1
6 Van Scoyoc Associates * 25.7 13.5 +15
7 Hunton & Williams 25.0 13.2 +16
8 Dutko Worldwide 23.8 12.5 +27
9 Covington & Burling 23.4 12.3 +4
10 Holland & Knight 23.0 12.1 +21
11= Swidler Berlin 22.2 11.7 -1
11= Greenberg Traurig 22.2 11.7 -33
13 Preston Gates Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds 21.4 11.3 +14
14 Mayer Brown Rowe & Maw 18.0 9.5 +131
15 Williams & Jensen 17.0 8.9 -16
*
Professional lobbying organisations not law firms Source: Influence
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