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The ability to
‘name and shame’ those made subject to anti social behaviour
orders was a clear intention by legislators in the Crime and Disorder
Act 1998 and subsequently confirmed in court cases . Because ASBO’s
are a civil measure, local authorities can publicise and distribute
details and photographs of perpetrators. The purpose of publicity
is outlined in guidance from the Anti Social Behaviour Unit and
covers four broad areas:
? Public reassurance about safety – to allow victims and witnesses
to know that action had been taken
? Public confidence in local services – to let local people
know that action will be taken if they report anti social behaviour
? Deterrent to the person subject to the order – so that the
perpetrator knows that local people will be aware of the conditions
and that breaches are likely to be reported
? Deterrent to other perpetrators – a warning to other would
be perpetrators.
The guidance makes it clear that there is
no differentiation between children and adults, and while it does
indicate that consideration should be given to any vulnerability
it also says ‘Age alone is insufficient to justify reporting
restrictions’ and ‘The approach to publicity (for children)
should be the same as for adults’
It should be noted that this guidance is for local authorities and
has no jurisdiction over media reporting or saturation leafleting
of details of people made subject to ASBO’s, including children.
Allowing this reporting which not only names
children but may also include photographs, addresses and other details
such as the school they attend, completely reversed established
practice and is in breach of Article 40 (2) (vii) of the UN Convention
of the Rights of the Child which requires signatories to guaranteed
privacy to children in conflict with the law ‘at all stages
of the proceedings’.
The UK has separate systems for dealing with
children in trouble with the law and, while many would argue for
a more distinct and child focussed system, nevertheless the separation
does acknowledge that children have a different level of understanding
of proceedings, the impact on them is different to that of adults
and any court making a decision involving a child must have regard
to the impact of that decision on the child’s welfare . Children’s
right to privacy throughout any criminal proceedings is part of
that separation and is well established. As long ago as 1933, well
preceding the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, legislation
applicable to England and Wales under Sec 49 of the Children and
Young Persons Act 1993 established reporting restrictions in relation
to children appearing in court, including for criminal matters,
with the presumption of privacy unless the sentencer specifically
allowed publicity.
There is no such distinction and separation in relation to anti
social behaviour orders which are made in the civil court and this
causes concern not only for those of us involved in children’s
welfare but also some members of the magistracy. John Fassenfelt,
vice chair of the Youth Courts Committee of the Magistrates Association
says:’ the primary focus of youth courts is to prevent reoffending,
whereas adult courts are punishment led. But ASBO’s fail to
make this distinction ’
Clause 127 of the current Serious and Organised
Crime Bill now proposes a extension of the presumption for publicity
to the youth court in its criminal jurisdiction, dis-applying the
reporting restrictions for breaches of Anti Social Behaviour Orders
and other Orders made under sections 1B and 1C of the Crime and
Disorder Act 1998 which are heard in the Youth Court.
So why is there such concern about the ‘naming
and shaming’ of children who receive ASBO’s and the
proposed extension of this to the criminal youth court?
Regardless of any human rights implications,
there is concern for the impact that this measure has on individual
children. I would question the effectiveness of such methods in
changing behaviour for the better and in some cases such actions
will actually have the opposite effect. Where children get status
because of their ‘bad’ behaviour, raising the profile
of this behaviour merely reinforces that this is how they get attention
and leads to more of the same behaviour. The Standing Committee
on Youth Justice says: ‘In some cases public identification
and publicity can glorify bad behaviour, and act as a ‘badge
of honour’. The local notoriety which it brings often feeds
into a young person’s sense of satisfaction about causing
trouble’. Conversely, those children for who being made subject
of an ASBO has had a ‘shaming’ effect and who wish to
make a fresh start, the impact of negative publicity will hinder
this process and not assist them in re engaging with their communities.
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There is a further
concern for the safety of children who, however troublesome they
may be, are often vulnerable and lack proper support. Evidence from
Barnardo’s work and research with children vulnerable to sexual
exploitation suggests that adults seeking such children will target
and groom those who are perceived to be vulnerable and unsupervised.
The details about children and the way in which their behaviour
is reported is also of concern. While the guidance issued by the
Anti Social Behaviour Unit may be clear about the purpose of publicity
and what may be done by the local authority, there is no such guidance
or control of the media. The pejorative tenor of much of the reporting
of children made subject to ASBO’s – the consistent
use of terms such as ‘scum’ and ‘yob’ or
things such as the ‘shop a yob’ campaign in one newspaper
– goes far beyond a ‘public interest’ principle
of informing local communities and can only serve to raise the levels
of fear and antagonism, and in extreme cases ‘fuel’
vigilantism towards children and young people in general.
The proposal to reverse the presumption of
privacy in the criminal youth court when the matter is breach of
an ASBO would carry the same impacts as for ‘naming and shaming’
following the making of the original order. It could also hinder
the rehabilitation process and thus preclude prevention of further
offending, the statutory duty of all those involved with children
in trouble and which should underpin all sentences of the youth
court.
Lord Justice Wolf said, in relation to the
application of a publicity campaign not to a vulnerable child but
to an adult who was a serving prisoner: ‘it is also necessary
to take into account the dangers … of the scheme interfering
with the rehabilitation of offenders. This is in the public interest
since it reduces crime’.
It is difficult to see how the purposes of
publicity as outlined in the Guidance would be served by allowing
further publicity at breach sentencing. It would also seem to be
inequitable in that children appearing in the youth court via the
‘conventional offence’ route would still be ensured
privacy, but those appearing for breaching conditions which have
included playing football in the street and being at a particular
bus stop, would not. Finally there is a deep concern that this proposal
could be used as an argument for the extension of publicity to all
the youth court proceedings in general.
All of us have the right to live in a safe
and decent community and I am aware of the unhappiness, fear and
economic cost that anti social behaviour bring to communities, particularly
to the most vulnerable residents – including children and
young people. However, the continuing focus on children and young
people as the main cause of anti social behaviour needs further
research to see if the high use of ASBO’s for them –
they account for 48% of all orders made - is based on a high level
of anti social behaviour by children. Without evidence that the
use of ASBO’s for children is justified and effective in changing
their behaviour, the continuing use and proposal for extending the
‘naming and shaming’ would seem to be a breach of their
human rights, a breach of the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child (to which the UK is a signatory) and counter productive in
terms of either reducing anti social behaviour or the rehabilitation
of individual children.
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